Today political leaders representing 21 countries attended the launching of the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF). This was initiated by the Indonesian government to promote regional cooperation in the field of democracy and political development in Asia.
There are at least three coincidences which explain why the Indonesian government took this initiative to establish BDF.
First, it coincides with the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Despite some setbacks in the area of human rights promotion the Indonesia government is confident enough to declare that it has at least respected people's political and civil rights.
Second, Indonesia has just ratified the ASEAN Charter whose principles include the promotion of democracy and human rights. Indonesia seems to deliberately inviting the participants from outside Southeast Asia in order to avoid a direct confrontation with the principle of noninterference.
The critics argue that the democratic members of ASEAN -- including Indonesia -- have failed to prevent the centrality of the noninterference principle in the ASEAN Charter. Thus, BDF can be seen as Indonesia's strategic agenda to spread democratic values at the regional level.
On top of that, the Indonesian government is aware of the fact that as far as the promotion of democracy in Asia is concerned, Indonesia is in the best position to do the job. Japan has its political sensitivities with China and India has a conflictual relationship with Pakistan.
Other democratic countries in Southeast Asia such as Thailand and the Philippines are still struggling with the setbacks of their respective democracies and are not large enough to have the necessary political leverage at the regional level.
Third, the choice of Bali as the location for the launching of BDF is not without political significance. Since his election in 2004, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has developed an obsession to portray Indonesia as a moderate voice of Islam in many arenas of world politics. He seems to have appointed himself to be the main author of this idea and on the basis of this political credential he wants to mobilize international support for his second term in the 2009 presidential election.
Regardless of Indonesia's sincerity in this initiative, there are some critical comments about the future effectiveness of BDF.
First, Indonesia does have some democratic credentials which might be attractive to other countries. For instance, Indonesia may share with others its experience in the peaceful resolution of the separatist conflict in Aceh.
However, the setbacks of democracy in Asia -- including Indonesia -- have much to do with the weak commitment of domestic political elites. Thus, the political energy to develop democracy should come from within the country itself. For the most part, moral persuasion or exhortation from outside usually falls on deaf ears.
Second, if BDF is seen as a tricky follow up to Indonesia's ratification of the ASEAN Charter, people might ask why not focus on the strengthening of the security regime within the framework of the ASEAN Security Community.
One of ASEAN's embarrassing ironies is related to the fact that its success in requesting the major powers to sign the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) is not followed by the willingness of some of its members to renounce the use of military power in resolving their border conflicts. The latest example was the exchange of fire between Thai and Cambodian soldiers in settling their territorial dispute.
Third, the realistic interpretation of international politics is correct that in the final analysis the effectiveness of diplomacy is mainly determined by a solid basis of material power. Immaterial power such as ideas, experience or best democratic expressions produces an ineffective influence upon the actual behavior of nations.
Fourth, it is very much expected that the planned, regular meetings of BDF will not be confined to formal interactions among government officials. The constraint of diplomatic procedures will limit the capacity of government officials in reaching out to the potential democratic forces of a targeted country. BDF needs to encourage the participation of the transnational networks of civil society organizations as the social foundation of democracy.
Last but not least, whenever there is an initiative to conduct international programs which require financial commitment there is always a problem of who is going to pay the bill. In the midst of a global financial crisis it is not easy to mobilize resources unless it is really urgent.
We just hope that the participants of BDF -- especially the wealthier ones -- are willing to allocate the necessary funds so that the forum might be able to accomplish all its intended goals.
The writer is a professor of international politics living in Bandung.